Photo cover : Charlemagne by the French portrait painter Louis Félix Amiel. The painting belongs to the Portraits of the Kings of France, a series of portraits commissioned between 1837 and 1838 by Louis Philippe I and painted by various artists for the Museum of the History of Versailles.

The coronation of Charlemagne during the Christmas of 800 was a significant event that marked the relationship between Charlemagne and Pope Leo III. The collaboration between the Pope and the Frankish king had important geopolitical and religious implications.

Pope Leo III, who served from 795 to 816, was keen on maintaining the alliance with Charlemagne. The rapid succession of his election after his predecessor’s burial was likely a strategic move to prevent Frankish interference in the papal election. Leo promptly informed Charlemagne of his unanimous election through a letter and sent him the keys to the confession of St. Peter. This gesture emphasized the desire to keep the Frankish king as a protector of the Holy See while acknowledging his secular role.

Leo III faced internal challenges as a significant part of the Roman clergy harbored resentment and jealousy towards him. This was due to the fact that Charlemagne had sent a substantial portion of the treasures acquired from successful Frankish campaigns against the Avars as a response to the Pope’s earlier letter. (1) The acquisition of this wealth allowed Leo to be a generous benefactor to churches and charitable institutions. However, conspirators aimed to render the Pope incapable of holding his position.

On April 25, 799, as the Pope was heading towards the Flaminian Gate, he was attacked. Leo, who suffered injuries and almost lost his eyes and tongue, barely escaped unconscious and wounded with the help of his guards. He found refuge safely in Paderborn, in present-day eastern Westphalia, where Charlemagne welcomed him with great honors. However, Leo’s position remained precarious, with his opponents accusing him of adultery and perjury, urging Charlemagne not to reinstate him.

Charlemagne faced a dilemma, as his judgment would determine the Pope’s restoration. In a compromise, Charlemagne entered the “Eternal City,” escorted and reinstated the Pope, convened a synod to examine the charges, and ultimately declared that he would never dare to judge the Holy See. Leo’s only obligation was to publicly take an oath of innocence, which he did on December 23, 800. (2) The coronation ceremony took place after Charlemagne’s entry into Rome and the St. Peter’s Basilica, culminating in the reinstallation of Pope Leo III. Two days later, on Christmas Day of 800, the Pope crowned Charlemagne as the Emperor of the Romans. The symbolism, substance, purposes, and intentions of the coronation remain points of contention, with different historical accounts providing varying perspectives.

Einhard, the biographer of the Frankish king, mentioned that if Charlemagne had known what the Pope intended to do, he might not have attended the ceremony. This observation might reflect Charlemagne’s doubts about the role of the Pope, considering the elevation.(3) The formal procedure involved Charlemagne placing regalia (crown, scepter, mantle, and sword) next to him and, upon rising, donning them again while receiving acclamations from his subjects. The Frankish Royal Annals suggest that the only difference was the placement of the crown by Leo and the proclamation of a new title, that of Emperor. (4)

On the other hand, the papal account, as presented in the Liber Pontificalis, consistently and explicitly emphasizes the unquestionable significance of the Pope’s actions. According to this chronicle, the Pope didn’t merely “place” the crown; instead, he “crowned” Charlemagne, and the elevation to the imperial title was explicitly attributed to this act. Moreover, it is explicitly stated that this was done according to the will of God and St. Peter, owing to Charlemagne’s faith in the Roman Church. This account represents a one-sided effort from the Pope’s perspective to assert a role and influence in the recognition of the title within the emerging superpower of the West.(5)

Clearly, from the Frankish perspective, there is an attempt to downplay the actions that deviated from the typical coronation ceremony. Charlemagne, the steadfast defender of Christianity, was, de facto, the emperor in the West. He wore the official imperial purple, used purple ink, and observed the imperial protocol. He had established his palace in Aachen, and his imperial recognition was a given, coupled with the demeanor of a barbarian king.

His military and political superiority was unquestionable. His Italian campaigns leading to the collapse of the Lombard kingdom, bloody battles, the Christianization program in the Pyrenees, conflicts with the “unbelievers” Moors in Corsica and Sardinia, and victorious campaigns against Saxons, Avars, and Slavs were his achievements that did not need any form of “brokerage.” In no way did he require the Pope’s acknowledgment, particularly from one who owed him the position and perhaps his physical integrity.

On the other hand, Pope Leo III, having returned to his position, sought a complete restoration and recognition in the secular realm. Wanting to give as much importance to the ceremony as possible, he personally crowned Charlemagne to receive the title from him and to gain an official position within the Roman Church. Naturally, he neither desired nor had the luxury to put his protector and savior in an uncomfortable position. The physical presence of the Pope and the state stature owed to him played a crucial role.

Notes

1)A treasure of unprecedented amounts, considering the annual payment to the Avar Khagan from Byzantium, ranging from 80,000 to 100,000 gold solidi for about a century.

2) R.H.C. Davis, A History of Medieval Europe, p. 206

3) Waitz, Karoli, p. 28. “Quod primo in tantum aversatusest, utadfirmaret se eo die, quamvis praecipua festivitasesset, ecclesiam non intraturum, sipontificisconsiliumpraescirepotuisset. Invidiamtamensusceptinominis, Romanisimperatoribus super hoc indignantibus, magna tulitpatientia.”

4) R.H.C. Davis, A History of Medieval Europe, pp. 207-208.

5) P. Brown, The Rise of Western Christendom, p. 435.

Bibliography

Theophanis Chronographia, ed. B.G. Niebuhr. Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae, 43. Bonn: Impensis ed Weberi, 1839.

Einhardi Vita Karoli Magni. ed. G. Waitz. Monumentis Germaniae Historicis, Separatim Editi. Hannover et Lipsia: Impensis Bibliopolii Hahniani, 1905.

Annales Regni Francorum. ed.G.H.Pertzii. Monumenta Germaniae Historica Sciptores, 6. Hannover: Impensis Bibliopolii Hahniani, 1895.

R.H.C. Davis, «A History of Medieval Europe : From Constantine to Saint Louis», Routledge, 2005.

P. Brown, «The Rise of Western Christendom, Triumph and Diversity, A.D. 200-1000», Wiley-Blackwell, 2013.